Verba Volant, Scripta Manent (Epistolary Art)

First edition, first issue with all the features of first issue copies including the misprint "Sénart" on the dedication leaf.
Dark green half-shagreen binding, spines with four raised bands decorated with double gilt-tooled compartments with gilt roundels at the corners, very minor restoration to the headbands, marbled paper boards, marbled endpapers and pastedowns, contemporary bindings.
With an exceptionally added autograph letter signed by Gustave Flaubert to his niece Caroline Commanville, affectionately known as "Loulou", on one page of a bifolium, pasted to a flyleaf of the first volume:

"Mardi 11h. [26 mars 1872]

Mon Loulou, ta gdmère a très bien supporté le voyage et, malgré l'abominable état où est plongé Croisset, son humeur est bonne. Je n'en dirais pas autant de la mienne. Mon irascibilité touche à la démence. Je vais m'habiller pour aller à Rouen payer des notes - choisir des papiers - & faire une visite à l'hôtel dieu. J'ai couché dans ta chambre. On ne sait pas comment se retourner dans la maison - qui pue violemment - et nous n'avons ni femme de ménage - ni cuisinière. Je t'embrasse ainsi qu'Ernest
Ton vieux - peu gai

GFlaubert." 

"Tuesday, 11 o'clock. [26 March 1872]

My Loulou, your gdmother bore the journey very well and, despite the appalling state in which Croisset finds itself, her spirits are good. I cannot say the same of mine. My irascibility borders on madness. I am going to dress and head to Rouen to settle some bills - choose papers - & pay a visit to the Hôtel-Dieu. I slept in your room. One cannot turn around in the house - which reeks dreadfully - and we have neither a housekeeper nor a cook. I embrace you as well as Ernest. Your old man - in poor spirits.

GFlaubert."

On the facing pastedown is another letter by Heeckeren, dated 11 January 1931, providing details regarding Flaubert's letter: "Mon cher ami, Loulou, c'est la nièce de Flaubert et c'est elle-même qui remis cet autographe à ma mère ; c'est elle aussi qui écrivit au crayon la date : 1872... [...]"

First edition.

A single copy recorded in the CCFr (Roanne).

Contemporary half green calf, smooth spine cracked and with losses, marbled paper boards, original printed wrappers preserved, binding of the period.

Lower board tending to detach.

The Venetian historian Ronaldo Fulin (1824–1884) produced numerous publications and original studies based on the exceptionally rich holdings of the Archivio di Stato of Venice.

The question addressed in this communication is linked to the presumed relations between Columbus and Venice (see the accompanying letters).

Copy from the library of the celebrated Americanist Henry Harrisse (1829–1910), a specialist of the earliest discoveries of the New World, with an autograph inscription by Ronaldo Fulin at the head of the front wrapper.

Henry Harrisse enhanced this pamphlet with seven autograph signed letters, mounted, in French or Italian, generally accompanied by their envelopes: 1. One from the Italian historian Cesare Cantù (1804–1895), dated 10 December 1881. – 2. One from the Columbian scholar Marcello Staglieno (1829–1909), dated 3 August 1888. – 3. One from the director of the Archivio di Stato of Venice (signature illegible), dated 27 June 1888. – 4. A card from the publisher B. Calore, dated 17 December 1881. – 5.–6. Two letters from the philologist and Hispanist Alfred Morel-Fatio (1850–19245), dated 2 and 9 December 1881. – 7. One letter from Henry Vignaud (1830–1922), in his capacity as First Secretary of the United States Legation in Paris from 1882 to 1909, dated 30 May 1888.

Most of these letters revolve around the existence of a purported letter from Christopher Columbus to the Senate of Venice, prior to the voyages of exploration.

Autograph letter, dated and signed, addressed to the writer Christiane Baroche: 21 lines in blue ink concerning an issue of the journal Sud devoted to him.

Folding traces from mailing, with the original handwritten envelope, on which Christiane Baroche noted the sender’s name in pencil.

Michel Leiris thanks Christiane Baroche for the tribute paid to him by Sud : "Soyez sûre que je préfère de beaucoup quelque chose de ce genre à un ensemble de doctes analyses ! " but explains that he will not be able to attend the upcoming event dedicated to him: "Dites, je vous prie, à Mr Genêt que je lui sais gré d'avoir pensé à une "journée Leiris", mais qu'il ne doit malheureusement pas compter sur ma présence : j'en serai, d'une part, empêché matériellement... et, d'autre part, cette participation personnelle m'embarrasseerait beaucoup, je vous l'avoue franchement."

Leiris concludes by extending his best wishes to his correspondent and to the Sud team for the year ahead.

Letter written by a secretary and signed by Louis XVI, addressed to Cardinal Ludovico Calini, in ink over eleven lines. The signature of Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes, appearing at the foot of the bifolium, accompanies that of the King for these New Year wishes. The recipient's name is inscribed on the verso: "Mon Cousin le Cardinal Calino".

A few waterstains, a small hole at "qu'il vous ait".

"My Cousin, I have seen with pleasure from your letter of October 1st the token of the sincerity of the wishes you express for me at the beginning of this year. Your good intentions are as well known to me as you must be certain of my desire to give you proof of my esteem and affection. Whereupon I pray God that He may have you, My Cousin, in His holy and worthy keeping. Written at Versailles the 31st of January 1776." (our own translation). 

Autograph card, dated and signed, sent from his Paris residence to the writer Christiane Baroche, comprising twelve lines in blue ink.

With the accompanying handwritten envelope on which Christiane Baroche added "Leiris" in the upper right corner.

"5 avril 1979,

chère Christiane Baroche,

merci à vous ainsi qu’à tous ceux qui ont bien voulu m’adresser, par l’intermédiaire de Sud, un signe amical. Je ne puis qu’en être reconforté et trouver là un peu de courage dont je manque de plus en plus pour travailler ! Soyez donc certaine que votre idée m’a fait plaisir et croyez à mes sentiments les meilleurs. Michel Leiris."

Autograph note dated and signed by Marguerite Yourcenar, written from her Paris residence to journalist Marcel Baroche of the literary review Sud. Written on one of her visiting cards. 

Eighteen lines in green ink, with the autograph envelope addressed to her correspondent, concerning a proposed collaboration with Yourncenar initiated by the director of Sud.

[27 December 1980,
to the journal Sud, to Marcel Baroche,

Dear Sir, you have my acceptance of the proposal for a special issue on my work in 1982, together with my thanks in advance. There exist many photographs of me, a few of which strike me as fairly faithful likenesses: I do not personally possess any, but perhaps I may be able to find some to send you in due course. For the moment at least, I have no unpublished material to offer. Perhaps later…

With kind regards,
Marguerite Yourcenar.]

"27 décembre 1980, à la revue Sud, à marcel Baroche,

cher monsieur, vous avez mon acceptation au projet d'un numéro spécial sur mon oeuvre en 1982, et mes remerciements anticipés. Il existe de nombreuses photographies de moi dont quelques unes me paraissent ressemblantes : je n'en possède personnellement aucune, mais peut-être en trouverai-je à vous en envoyer en temps utile. Pour l'instant au moins, je ne possède aucun inédit à offrir. Plus tard peut-être... Bien sympathiquement Marguerite Yourcenar."

First edition (cf. Martin & Walter, 16 491; Monglond III, 630; not in Schefer, Blackmer or Atabey).

Bradel binding in full marbled paper boards, smooth spine with a vertically lettered fawn sheepskin label, red edges; a modern binding.

Some foxing; marginal staining to the upper edges of the final leaves.

Excellent abridgement of General Hénin de Cuvillers’ diplomatic mission to Constantinople (1793–1795).

Upon his return from Turkey, Hénin (born 1755) took part in the Italian campaign of 1796 and was wounded at Caldiero and Arcole.

Appointed in 1802 as assistant to the general staff in Saint-Domingue, he was entrusted by Rochambeau with the colony’s military archives, which he brought back to Paris in 1804.

His military career under the Empire ended in 1813, when he was required to justify himself before the Grenoble court martial following the evacuation of the Simplon, deemed too hasty.

Granted retirement in 1815, he lived until 1841.

The 164 dispatches summarised in this volume provide valuable insights into diplomatic life in Constantinople, relations with the Revolutionary government, news from the Asian trading posts, the situation in the Levant, and maritime and military affairs.

Autograph letter signed by François-René de Chateaubriand to Ferdinand Denois, written in Rome and dated 11 August 1829, 2 pages and two lines in black ink on a bifolium. A tear caused by the opening of the letter on the blank portion of the final leaf, not affecting text.

"I must also, Sir, thank you once again: my poor friend La Ferronays [the Minister of Foreign Affairs Auguste Ferron de La Ferronnays was to resign two weeks later due to poor health] has written to me that all his ailments have returned, that he feels unwell two or three times a day, and that he cannot consider returning to public affairs, etc. I believe that the interim will nevertheless be prolonged and that this will allow matters to carry through to the end of the session. I requested leave through MM. Boissy and Givré [his embassy secretaries Hilaire-Étienne-Octave Rouillé de Boissy, and Bernard Desmousseaux de Givré], without being entirely resolved to make use of it: this will depend on events. A telegraphic dispatch of 4 April, arriving via Toulon, informed me that the king étoit fort content de la nomination du pape. Our cardinals rallied to me and conducted themselves very well. Cardinal [Anne-Antoine-Jules de] Clermont-Tonnerre, who suffered a fall, is lodged at the embassy, where I am caring for him as best I can - what will the Gazette say of this? [La Gazette de France, journal of the radical royalists known as Ultras, was highly hostile to Chateaubriand.]... "

First edition, one of 40 numbered copies on Ingres paper, deluxe issue.

A fine copy.

Unpublished, handwritten, signed letter from André Breton addressed to critic Charles Estienne; one page and a few lines in black ink on a paper from the à l'étoile scellée gallery.
Two transverse folds from having been sent, a small corner missing in the upper right margin.
Very beautiful letter giving an account of the death of one of André Breton's dearest friends and of his quarrel with Albert Camus.
Breton tells his friend about the death of the Surrealist Czech artist Jindřich Heisler: “Your letter spoke of those days where it seemed “that there was only just enough fire to live”: on Monday there was far from enough fire, when it reached me: one of my two or three best friends, Heisler, taken suddenly unwell on his way to mine on Saturday, had to be hospitalised urgently and I had just received the pneumatic from Bichat telling me of his death. The event, no less inconceivable than accomplished, left me distraught for a long time: there was no-one more exquisite than he, putting more warmth into everything he did, the most constant of which was to lighten and embellish those whom he loved.” The two poets were indeed very close: Heisler participated, alongside Breton, in the launch of Néon in 1948 and supported him during a period of depression, accompanying him with other friends to the Île de Sein. “The beginning of 1953 was overshadowed by the death of Jindřich Heisler (4 January). Loyal among the faithful, he “lived entirely for Surrealism” according to Breton, who pays tribute to his activity as a leader: “This is how he was between 1948 and 1950, the soul of Néon, and until his last moments the greatest bearer of projects that, as if by magic, his talent gave him the means to achieve.”” (Henri Béhar, André Breton)

Autograph letter dated and signed by Alexis Léger, 26 lines in blue ink, written from Washington to his friend Emily Amram, describing the torments of his convalescence following a "stupid accident".

Folds inherent to mailing.

The poet thanks his friend for her floral attentions during his illness: "combien la présence de vos fleurs m'a aidé contre les mauvaises ombres pendant mes jours de réclusion !" and, much to his regret, must once again postpone the visit he had promised her: "une mauvaise grippe washingtonnienne, qui m'a surpris, déjà fatigué, peu après mon retour chez moi, achevé de me déprimer, et pour ne pas accabler encore l'affectueuse sollicitude de bons amis comme vous et Phil, je n'ai su, écœuré de moi-même, que me condamner au silence et à la solitude."

He intends to banish his dark thoughts by granting himself a stay by the sea in the South: "Je pars demain pour le sud et vais demander au voisinage de la mer la possibilité de me libérer, par la natation; des dernières traces de mon stupide accident."

Autograph letter signed from Georges Bataille to Denise Rollin, 40 lines in black ink, two pages on one leaf.

George Bataille and Denise Rollin's relationship lasted from the autumn of 1939 to the autumn of 1943 and left behind it a short but passionate correspondence. This letter dates from the early days of their connection, but already reveals Bataille's agonies: “Perhaps I was too happy with you for some months, even though suffering did not wait long to interrupt, at least for a time, a happiness that was almost a challenge.”
A passionate lover, Bataille moved from exultation to the deepest doubt and even offered his lover a potential way out of their relationship: “If you can't take it, me, any more, I beg you, don't deceive yourself any longer: tell me it's me, and not some foible I could have avoided and which is easily repairable.” He would rather be sac-
rificed on the altar of their love than have a relationship that was bland and flavorless: “Understand me when I tell you that I don't want everything to get bogged down, that I would really rather suffer than see a sort of shaky mediocrity as a future for you and me.”

Earlier in the letter, he turns to humor to tear him away from his worries: “I hardly dare make you laugh by telling
you that I've lost weight, so that my trousers occasionally fall down, because I've not yet gotten into the habit of tightening my belt to the new notch.” Then, he goes back to pleading: “I write to you like a blind man, because that is what you make me when you talk to me the way you do when you leave or when you phone, you make me fall into a darkness that is almost unbearable.” He then tries to get a grip on himself:
“there are moments I'm ashamed of doubting you and being afraid, or of stupidly losing my head.”
Finally, hemmed in by all his doubts as a lover, Bataille tried to find some respite in talking about the family that he had made up with Denise and her son Jean (alias Bepsy): “If you write me, tell me how Bepsy's doing, which is perhaps the only thing that you can tell me that doesn't touch something painful in me.”

In a 1961 interview, Bataille looked back on this time: "Le Coupable is the first book that gave me a kind of satisfaction, an anxious one at that, that no book had given me and that no book has given me since. It is perhaps the book in which I am the most myself, which resembles me the most... because I wrote it as if in a sort of quick and continuous explosion." The letters addressed by Bataille to Denise during this period contain the seeds of the feelings that explode in Le Coupable as in all of Bataille's work. His writing is an ebb and flow of love and suffering, between ecstasy and disappointment, calm and energy, mixing familiar and formal tones, compliments and reproaches. The letters are often impossible to date with precision as they all proceed from the same movement of ecstatic flagellation.

In 1943, Georges Bataille found a house in Vézelay where the couple settled with Laurence (Georges and Sylvia's daughter), and Denise's son Jean. It was there that Bataille completed his book Le Coupable as well as his love story since barely a month after their arrival, Diane Kotchoubey, a young woman of 23, moved in with them. Before the end of the year, Bataille left Denise Rollin for this new flame.

These previously unknown letters were kept by Bataille's best friend Maurice Blanchot who from 1944 became the new lover Denise Rollin, this woman with a "melancholic and taciturn" beauty who "embodied silence". The crumpled letters (one is even torn into five pieces) are as much the precious trace of Bataille's extraordinary passion as they are a valuable source from a little-known period of his intimate life which was until then only perceived through the eyes of his friends. Above all they are of an exceptional literary quality and reveal several sides to him: the man, the accursed, the worshipper and the profaner... all that, according to Michel Foucault, makes Georges Bataille "one of the most important writers of this century”.

Autograph letter signed "R" by Auguste Renoir, addressed to his friend and great collector of his works Paul Bérard. One and a half pages in black ink on a bifolium.
Horizontal fold mark inherent to mailing.

 

Autograph letter signed by Auguste Renoir, dated in his hand 5 February 1909. 2 pp. in black ink on a double leaf.

Horizontal mailing fold. Renoir penned this letter at his villa Les Collettes in Cagnes, where he created works of great sensuality and essayed sculpture. The painter orders brushes and refers to an expected visit from the family of Dr Emile Baudot, his physician of long standing and chief medical officer of the Compagnie des chemins de fer de l'Ouest. Renoir's sole pupil was the venerable doctor's daughter, Jeanne Baudot, of whom he painted a portrait and who sat alongside her master for a canvas by Maurice Denis.

Maurice Gangnat was a patron, distinguished collector, and intimate friend of Renoir, whom he first met in 1904 through the offices of Paul Gallimard. Upon being introduced to Renoir, his pictures so delighted him that he purchased twelve forthwith, at a cost of twenty thousand francs. He possessed the connoisseur's eye, and Renoir permitted him to select the finest of each spring's production: "He has the eye," he would say of him.

Between 1905 and 1917, Gangnat acquired one hundred and eighty canvases during his sojourns at Les Collettes, among them thirty-six landscapes of Cagnes and its environs.

"Cher Monsieur Gangnat,
Je retrouve sur ma table une lettre que je croyais depuis longtemps à la porte.
Je vous disais que j'avais reçu un avis de la Banque marseillaise ou vous avez eu l'obligeance de déposer de l'argent pour moi et que je vous renverrais ( ?)
Je prends la liberté de vous charger de m'apporter un paquet de pinceaux. Millaud vous les apportera chez vous. Nous comptons toujours sur vous le plus tôt possible. Les Baudot doivent me faire leur visite annuel vers le commencement de mars. Ce pauvre docteur est replacé à la gare Saint Lazare. Ce mois-ci il s'y attendait. [...]
J'espère que vous êtes en bonne santé et prévenez nous pour vous aller chercher à la gare.
Ma femme et moi vous envoyons toutes nos amitiés ainsi qu'à Madame Gangnat et à Philippe [...]"

 

["Dear Monsieur Gangnat, I have discovered upon my desk a letter which I believed long since dispatched. I was informing you that I had received notice from the Marseille Bank where you were good enough to place money on deposit for me and that I should return it to you (?). I take the liberty of charging you with bringing me a packet of brushes. Millaud will convey them to your residence. We continue to count upon you at the earliest opportunity. The Baudots are to pay me their annual visit toward the commencement of March. That poor doctor has been reassigned to the Gare Saint-Lazare. He was expecting it this month. [...] I trust you are in good health and pray advise us so that we may meet you at the station. My wife and I send you our warmest regards, together with our compliments to Madame Gangnat and to Philippe [...]"]

A charming and vivid letter from the artist to an intimate friend during his Cagnes period, ordering brushes for future masterworks, notably his Ode aux fleurs executed that year.

First edition, with no deluxe paper copies issued (except for No. 7) for each volume.
Our complete set comprises:
Céline Notebooks 1: Céline and the Literary Scene 1932–1957.
Céline Notebooks 2: Céline and the Literary Scene 1957–1961.
Céline Notebooks 3: Semmelweis and Other Medical Writings.
Céline Notebooks 4: Letters and Early Writings from Africa 1916–1917.
Céline Notebooks 5: Letters to Female Friends.
Céline Notebooks 6: Letters to Albert Paraz 1947–1957.
Céline Notebooks 7: Céline and Current Events 1933–1961.
Céline Notebooks 8: Progress followed by Works for Stage and Screen.
Illustrations.
Rare complete set.

First edition, one of 40 numbered copies on Lana wove paper, the only deluxe paper issue.

A handsome copy.

A collection of 59 manuscript letters sent to his family representing approximately 180 pages, mostly octavo, most written on mourning paper, sometimes on letterheads notably from the Ministry of the Navy.

The collection is contained in a modern red cloth box with a black title label.

A Polytechnique graduate and marine artillery officer, Gustave Borgnis-Desbordes (1839-1900) is known for having led, from 1880 to 1883, three expeditionary columns across Upper Senegal and Upper Niger, these operations having enabled the construction of several military forts, a railway and a telegraph line of more than seven hundred kilometers linking Bakel (on the Senegal) to Bamako. He then served in Tonkin (1884-85) as colonel commanding the artillery of the expeditionary corps. He participated in several battles near the Chinese border and had to replace General de Négrier wounded at the battle of Lang Son on March 28, 1885. The hasty retreat of French troops, ordered by Colonel Herbinger, gave rise to a controversy that brought down the Jules Ferry ministry. Borgnis-Desbordes wrote a report that implicated Herbinger, but the latter benefited from an order of dismissal and Borgnis was accused of having slandered him. The present correspondence, which extends from January 1886 to August 1887, evokes the Lang Son affair and the delicate situation in which he found himself: supported by Generals Faidherbe, Brière de l'Isle and de Négrier, Borgnis-Desbordes had against him the artillery generals Virgile and Dard. Despite this, he was promoted to brigadier general on July 25, 1886. The letters evoke the numerous visits he made to friends, military men or connections in the capital, the search for possible support, and contain allusions to political life, mentioning Henri Rochefort, Louise Michel, Clemenceau, General Boulanger... Of the 59 letters, 47 are addressed to his sister Claire (wife of Henry Lethier, engineer of Ponts et Chaussées), 11 to his brother Ernest (1843-1925), Polytechnique graduate, artillery officer and future general, and 1 to his sister-in-law Emilie Lacœille, wife of Ernest. They are almost all written from Paris; some do not include a place and one letter is written from Auxerre (July 1, 1886). Extracts: 1886. "Je mène une vie absurde. Je suis en habit noir tous les soirs. J'ai dîné hier dans une maison où se trouvaient M. Jules Ferry, Jules Réache, etc. Il y avait aussi Mme Jules Ferry, fort jolie femme dans une toilette charmante. Ce soir je dîne au café de la Paix… Mardi je dîne à Vincennes, mercredi je déjeune encore en ville, etc." (I lead an absurd life. I am in black evening dress every night. I dined yesterday in a house where M. Jules Ferry, Jules Réache, etc. were present. There was also Mme Jules Ferry, a very pretty woman in a charming outfit. Tonight I dine at café de la Paix... Tuesday I dine in Vincennes, Wednesday I lunch again in town, etc.) (Paris, January 1886, to his sister). "J'ai vu mon ministre vendredi. Il m'a reçu en me disant : Eh bien ! mon cher colonel, vous voilà revenu de la comédie de St Malo. Puisque vous l'appelez ainsi avec raison, lui ai-je répondu, je n'ai plus rien à vous dire… " (I saw my minister Friday. He received me saying: Well! my dear colonel, here you are back from the comedy of St Malo. Since you call it that with reason, I replied, I have nothing more to say to you...) (Paris, February 14, to his sister). "Au Sénégal, tout commence à aller mal; mes prédictions se réalisent : le désordre va augmenter, la situation va devenir inextricable. On a envoyé tout dernièrement un gouverneur inintelligent et malhonnête; je crains qu'on ne pense à moi pour remettre en état les affaires militaires; je me cache, je fais le mort : je ne veux pas être sous les ordres de ce monsieur… Je ne sais pas ce qu'ils veulent faire à la Chambre; cela m'inquiète peu. Mon rapport me semble avoir fini d'occuper les gens. Tous depuis M. de Mun jusqu'à Clemenceau radotent; j'estime autant Baily et Camelinat que Baudry d'Asson ou Cassagnac. Tous ces gens-là sont stupides et méchants, ou ridicules et niais. Je me moque de ce qu'ils peuvent dire sur des affaires militaires dont ils ne sont pas susceptibles de parler…" (In Senegal, everything is beginning to go wrong; my predictions are coming true: disorder will increase, the situation will become inextricable. They recently sent an unintelligent and dishonest governor; I fear they might think of me to restore military affairs; I hide, I play dead: I do not want to be under the orders of this gentleman... I don't know what they want to do in the Chamber; that worries me little. My report seems to have finished occupying people. Everyone from M. de Mun to Clemenceau rambles; I esteem Baily and Camelinat as much as Baudry d'Asson or Cassagnac. All these people are stupid and wicked, or ridiculous and foolish. I mock what they can say about military affairs which they are not capable of discussing...) (s.l.n.d., to his sister). "Je reviens de chez le général Faidherbe auquel il a bien fallu me recommander. C'est un appui fragile que j'ai là; le pauvre général souffre beaucoup en ce moment. Quoiqu'il en soit, il m'a promis de faire pour moi ce qu'il pourrait. Ce sera peu de choses, l'influence des deux hommes, Général Faidherbe et Amiral Aube, l'un sur l'autre, étant aussi grande que celle d'un missionnaire sur un musulman. Je suis, paraît-il, très vivement battu en brèche. On me trouve trop jeune de grade… Le général Brière de l'Isle se remue pour moi, mais il passe, lui aussi, pour le serviteur damné de J. Ferry, et par suite son intervention ne pourra m'être utile, je le crains du moins beaucoup. J'ai vu Dislère ce matin [Paul Dislère (1840-1928), son ancien camarade de promotion à l'Ecole Polytechnique, à l'époque directeur des Colonies au ministère de la Marine]… Il ne peut non plus changer le vent qui est décidément contre moi. Il devient de plus en plus clair que la politique s'en mêle…" (I return from General Faidherbe's to whom I had to recommend myself. It's fragile support that I have there; the poor general suffers greatly at the moment. Whatever the case, he promised me to do what he could for me. It will be little, the influence of the two men, General Faidherbe and Admiral Aube, on each other, being as great as that of a missionary on a Muslim. I am, it appears, very vigorously attacked. They find me too young in rank... General Brière de l'Isle stirs himself for me, but he too passes for the damned servant of J. Ferry, and consequently his intervention cannot be useful to me, I fear it very much at least. I saw Dislère this morning [Paul Dislère (1840-1928), his former classmate at the Ecole Polytechnique, at the time director of Colonies at the Ministry of the Navy]... He also cannot change the wind which is decidedly against me. It becomes increasingly clear that politics is involved...) (Paris, May 22, to his sister). "M. Herbinger vient de faire une dernière plaisanterie en mourant en ce moment. Je vais être traité d'assassin, sans aucun doute. Et il y aura bien quelque médecin pour expliquer qu'il est décédé à la suite d'actes d'héroïsme qui ont miné sa constitution. Et que le colonel Desbordes a été assez aveugle et assez niais pour ne pas le voir… Bien que cette mort, au moment actuel, soit fâcheuse pour moi, je suis d'avis que M. Herbinger a fait un acte très sensé en décampant pour l'autre monde. C'est ce qu'il avait de mieux à faire. Que Dieu ait son âme !" (M. Herbinger has just played a final joke by dying at this moment. I will be treated as an assassin, without doubt. And there will surely be some doctor to explain that he died following acts of heroism that undermined his constitution. And that Colonel Desbordes was blind enough and foolish enough not to see it... Although this death, at the present moment, is unfortunate for me, I am of the opinion that M. Herbinger performed a very sensible act by decamping for the other world. It's the best thing he had to do. May God have his soul!) (Paris, May 27, to his sister). "Mon affaire continue à ne pas aller… Le général de Négrier a bien voulu faire une démarche pour moi auprès du chef du personnel, l'amiral Olry; il n'en a tiré aucune assurance. Le général Brière se remue tant qu'il peut, et d'autant plus qu'il considère ma nomination comme une sorte de compensation qui lui est due pour tous les ennuis et toutes les injures dont il est gratifié à cause de M. Herbinger. Mais il n'a pas, non plus, grand succès. Je sais que le général Faidherbe a plaidé ma cause auprès du ministre, mais également sans pouvoir obtenir une réponse… Ajoute à cela que les généraux d'artillerie Virgile et Dard travaillent contre moi, que Rochefort est un véritable spectre pour nos ministres, que Clemenceau ne peut pas être mon ami, que j'ai fait jouer toutes mes batteries, lesquelles sont représentées par mes généraux, mais que je n'ai pas de députés et de sénateurs dans mon sac…" (My affair continues not to go well... General de Négrier was kind enough to make an approach for me to the head of personnel, Admiral Olry; he drew no assurance from it. General Brière stirs himself as much as he can, and all the more so as he considers my nomination as a sort of compensation that is due to him for all the troubles and all the insults he is gratified with because of M. Herbinger. But he also has no great success. I know that General Faidherbe pleaded my cause to the minister, but equally without being able to obtain a response... Add to that that the artillery generals Virgile and Dard work against me, that Rochefort is a true spectre for our ministers, that Clemenceau cannot be my friend, that I have brought all my batteries into play, which are represented by my generals, but that I have no deputies and senators in my bag...) (Paris, June 1, to his sister). "J'ai enfin vu ma nomination à l'Officiel. Il paraît qu'elle était signée depuis plus de huit jours. On attendait le moment qui serait le moins pénible à Mr Rochefort, Mademoiselle Louise Michel, et aux journaux de droite et d'extrême gauche. Ils ont fait un mauvais calcul. L'expérience le prouvera. J'ai fait des visites aujourd'hui. Ça n'est pas amusant. J'ai vu l'amiral Peyron… Il m'a donné le conseil d'aller voir M. de Freycinet [président du Conseil et ministre des Affaires étrangères]… Il a été fort aimable avec moi… Je ne me suis payé qu'une petite malice. Il m'a parlé de la campagne du Tonkin, et il m'a félicité de ma bonne mine. Je lui ai répondu que la campagne du Tonkin était une expédition pour des jeunes filles. Il n'a pas insisté. Mais je suis certain qu'il a trouvé ce jugement un peu dur pour des gens qui ont fait de l'affaire du Tonkin un épouvantail…" (I finally saw my nomination in the Official Journal. It appears it had been signed for more than eight days. They were waiting for the moment that would be least painful for Mr Rochefort, Mademoiselle Louise Michel, and the right-wing and extreme left newspapers. They made a bad calculation. Experience will prove it. I made visits today. It's not amusing. I saw Admiral Peyron... He gave me the advice to go see M. de Freycinet [President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs]... He was very kind to me... I only allowed myself a small mischief. He spoke to me about the Tonkin campaign, and he congratulated me on my good appearance. I replied that the Tonkin campaign was an expedition for young girls. He didn't insist. But I am certain he found this judgment a bit harsh for people who made the Tonkin affair a bugbear...) (Paris, July 26, to his sister). 1887. "Je ne sais pas encore officiellement où je suis envoyé en Inspection, mais d'après ce que j'ai entendu dire ce matin, je vais avoir à visiter la Réunion, Madagascar, la Nouvelle-Calédonie. C'est un voyage de plus de six mois, et moi qui déteste ce genre d'exercice, ça me fait un plaisir que je vous laisse à penser…" (I don't yet know officially where I am sent on Inspection, but from what I heard said this morning, I will have to visit Réunion, Madagascar, New Caledonia. It's a journey of more than six months, and I who detest this kind of exercise, it gives me a pleasure that I leave you to imagine...) (Paris, May 7, to his sister-in-law Emilie).

Autograph letter signed by Charles Baudelaire, addressed to Antoine Arondel, written in black ink on a single sheet of blue paper.
Folds typical of mailing; minor losses expertly restored without affecting the text; a small tear on the signature discreetly repaired. This letter is transcribed in Correspondance I of Baudelaire (Pléiade, p. 277) and dated by Claude Pichois to May 1854.
In it, Baudelaire sends theatre tickets to his art dealer Antoine Arondel — a notorious and unscrupulous character who exploited the poet’s boundless taste for fine arts and encouraged his collecting obsession.

Autograph signed calling card addressed to theatre director Simone Benmussa, 8 lines in black felt-tip, with the original envelope.

"Chère Simone Benmussa, quel succès ! J'en reçois les échos de tous côtés ! Nous vous devons tous cette merveilleuse soirée. Laiseez-moi vous dire encore Merci et Bravo. En toute amitié. R. Badinter."

Literary adviser to the Jean-Louis Barrault – Madeleine Renaud Company and, from 1957, editor-in-chief of the Cahiers Renaud-Barrault, Simone Benmussa also headed, from the Odéon Theatre, the company’s cultural department and its journal. She adapted for the stage several works by her friend Nathalie Sarraute, including Enfance in 1984 (featuring Sarraute’s recorded voice) and Pour un oui ou pour un non in 1987, as well as works by Pierre Klossowski, Jean Cocteau, Gertrude Stein, and Samuel Beckett. She was the partner of the actress Erika Kralik.
 

Pirate edition of 1812, imprint dated 1796. It features the exact pagination of the genuine 1796 edition, as well as the 13 plates and 2 frontispieces by Monnet, Mlle Gérard and Fragonard fils engraved by Baquoy, Duplessi-Bertaux, Dupréel, Godefroy, Langlois, Lemire, Lingée, Masquelier, Patas, Pauquet, Simonet and Trière. The pirate edition is identified by the letters “R. p. D.” in the plates' lower margins, as they have been retouched by Delvaux. In addition, the fillet preceding the date on the title-page is wavy, and the title is presented in seven lines rather than eight.

Bound in full morocco, slight rubbing on the corners, all edges gilt, splendid binding signed by Hardy.

A very fine copy in a magnificent decorated full morocco binding by Hardy.

Autograph postcard signed by Albert Einstein to Ludwig Hopf. 18 lines written verso and recto, address also in Einstein's handwriting. Postmarked June 21, 1910. 

Published in The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 5: The Swiss Years: Correspondence, 1902-1914, Princeton University Press, 1993, n°218, p. 242.

An exceptional and highly aesthetic card from Albert Einstein to "the friend of the greatest geniuses of his time" - according to Schrödinger - mathematician and physicist Ludwig Hopf, who introduced Einstein to another 20^th-century genius: Carl Jung.
The master invites his pupil Hopf to a dinner party, whose guests include scientist Max Abraham, future great rival during Einstein's Zurich years and a fervent opponent of his theory of relativity.

The recipient Ludwig Hopf joined Einstein in 1910 as an assistant and student at his physics and kinetic theory seminars at the University of Zürich. They signed two fundamental papers on the statistical aspects of radiation and gave their names to the "Einstein-Hopf" velocity-dependent drag force. Their letter exchanges retrace the complex path of Einstein's work on relativity and gravitation, bearing witness to their great complicity and Hopf's invaluable contribution to the Master's research. A few months after writing the postcard, Hopf even found an error in Einstein's calculations of the derivatives of certain velocity components which Einstein corrected in a paper the following year. They also formed a musical duo – Hopf accompanied on the piano the Master's violin, performing pieces by great musical geniuses like Bach and Mozart.
With this card, Einstein invited his pupil and friend Hopf to dinner with Max Abraham, at the dawn of a major scientific controversy that would pit them against each other from 1911 onwards. Abraham's theory of special relativity failed to convince Einstein, who criticized its lack of observational verification and its failure to predict the gravitational curvature of light. In 1912, their dispute became public through scientific articles. Abraham never acknowledged the validity of Einstein's theory.

During their brilliant artistic and intellectual exchanges, Hopf undoubtedly succeeded where Freud had failed, as he declared to him in a letter: "I shall break with you if you boast of having converted Einstein to psychoanalysis. A long conversation I had with him a few years ago showed me that analysis was as hermetic to him as the theory of relativity can be to me" (Vienna, September 27, 1931). As a fervent supporter of psychoanalysis, Hopf is known to have introduced the famous psychoanalyst Carl Jung to Einstein. Hopf and his teacher both left for Prague's Karl-Ferdinand University in 1911, where they met writer Franz Kafka and his friend Max Brod in Madame Fanta's salon.
With the rise of the Nazi regime, the fates of the two theoreticians were plagued by persecution and exile. Einstein first took refuge in Belgium, Hopf in Great Britain after his dismissal in 1934 from the University of Aachen because of his Jewish origins. They continued their prolific correspondence in the midst of the turmoil, Einstein suggesting to Hopf the opening of a university abroad for exiled German students. Hopf died shortly after his appointment as chair of Mathematics studies at Trinity College Dublin in July 1939.

A precious invitation from the great physicist to one of the final dinner gatherings of the "old school" of science embodied by Max Abraham, on the eve of the publication of the theory of general relativity which would overturn classical conceptions of space and time and propel Science into the 20th century.

First edition.

Bound in black half shagreen, spines with five raised bands decorated with gilt garlands, gilt dates at foot, marbled paper boards, comb-marbled endpapers and pastedowns, gilt edges.

Some foxing, mainly at the beginning and end of the volumes.

Preface by Prosper Mérimée.

Autograph letter signed by George Sand, addressed to her friend Stéphanie Bourjot, daughter of Étienne Geoffroy-Saint-Hilaire. Four pages written in blue ink on a folded bifolium bearing George Sand’s monogram. Fold marks as usual.
 
This letter was partially published in Correspondance, vol. XIV, no. 7846.
A beautiful and partly unpublished letter in which George Sand discusses Marie Pape-Carpantier’s book and the education of her young maid, Marie Caillaud : « It is an excellent book, which I use to teach my young maid to read. She is extraordinarily intelligent, and this book opens her mind to all sorts of sound ideas. Educating this 18-year-old child—who, six months ago, was only two in terms of knowledge—has been a unique experience. She now seems her age, yet retains all the innocence of childhood. So every evening, we read Marie Carpentier’s little stories, and I enjoy them just as much as my pupil does. »
 
Marie Caillaud was only eleven years old when George Sand hired her to wash dishes and tend to the chicken coop, a task that earned her the nickname “Marie des poules.” But the writer soon recognized the young peasant girl’s intelligence, appointed her as housekeeper, and by 1856 included her in the performances of the Nohant theatre. Her education is first mentioned in early 1858, notably in a letter from George Sand to her friend Charles Duvernet: « During my winter evenings, I took on the education of little Marie, the one who acted with us. From a dish washer, I immediately raised her to the rank of housekeeper, a role for which her excellent mind makes her perfectly suited. The greatest obstacle was that she couldn't read. That obstacle no longer exists. In thirty half-hour lessons—fifteen hours in a month—she mastered all the difficulties of the language slowly but perfectly. This miracle is due to the admirable Laffore method, which I applied with the utmost gentleness to a perfectly lucid mind. » (16 February 1858)
 
Marie Caillaud would go on to become a notable actress at Nohant and move in the circles of George Sand’s illustrious guests: Delacroix, Gautier, Dumas, Prince Jérôme Bonaparte…
But Marie was not George Sand’s first pupil. All her life, Sand was deeply interested in pedagogy and taught not only her children and grandchildren, but also members of her household staff and local peasants.
 
This letter is a remarkable testament to her hands-on approach as a teacher, always seeking new and effective ways to impart knowledge : « What is lacking—or at least what I haven’t found—is a true reading method. I’ve devised one for my own use (never written down), based on Laffore’s and adapted to my own ideas. But what I haven’t found in primers for children or public school manuals is a well-crafted exercise book that teaches reading logically while also making sense of spelling. Does such a book exist? » Far from a casual activity, education was central to George Sand’s worldview. As Georges Lubin noted, her aim was not merely to teach literacy. Taught to write by her own mother at the age of five, Sand understood from an early age that the only path to equality lay through intellectual emancipation: « She understood very early on that the only road to equality was intellectual emancipation. The ignorance imposed upon women was the root of their servitude. The ignorance imposed upon the working classes underpinned class inequality. Education was the key to opening locked doors. » (« George Sand et l'éducation » in Nineteenth-Century French Studies, 1976)

A beautiful and important testimony to George Sand’s tireless struggle for the emancipation of women through education.

First edition, one of 10 numbered copies on imperial japon, ours one of 3 hors commerce lettered copies, a deluxe issue following 6 on chine.

Bound in full sienna morocco, flat spine, gilt date at foot, moiré-effect endpapers and pastedowns, gilt fillet border on pastedowns, original wrappers and spine preserved (spine restored and backed), gilt edges, chemise edged in sienna morocco, slipcase in wood-effect board with white felt lining, contemporary binding signed by Roger Arnoult.

Our copy is enriched with a one-page signed autograph letter by Jean Cocteau, mounted on a guard, written from La Roche-Posay in Vienne, probably addressed to Pierre Benoit, in which he humorously evokes Charlie Chaplin, his fragile health, and his boredom: "... Me voilà dans ce film de Charlot : \"Charlot fait une cure\" - parmi les clowns et clowneries du mercurochrome... Le docteur H. arrive à éteindre mon fer de travail avec ses pelotes d'épingles aquatiques. Mon ventre gargouille. Si tu venais ce serait une très bonne cure. Que penses-tu de cette publicité pour La Roche : La Roche source d'ennuis."

A handsome copy, finely bound by Roger Arnoult, a graduate of the École Estienne, active until 1980, who collaborated with and worked for the foremost binders of his time such as René Aussourd, Anthoine-Legrain, Paul Bonet, Georges Cretté, Pierre-Lucien Martin...

"Tu me dis : Aime l'art, il vaut mieux que l'amour
[...]
Et moi. je te réponds : La langue du poête
Ne rend du sentiment que l'image incomplète" ["You tell me: Love art, it is better than love [...] And I answer you: The poet's language renders only an incomplete image of feeling"].

"Des maîtres les plus grands les œuvres les plus belles,
Auprès du beau vivant, compare, que sont-elles ?" ["The most beautiful works of the greatest masters, compared to living beauty, what are they?"]

Tu me dis : Aime l'art, il vaut mieux que l'amour ;
Tout sentiment s'altère et doit périr un jour !
Pour que le cœur devienne une immortelle chose,
Il faut qu'en poésie il se métamorphose,
Et que chaque pensée en sorte incessamment,
En parant sa beauté d'un divin vêtement.
Sentir, c'est aspirer!... c'est encor la souffrance ;
Mais créer, c'est jouir, ! c'est prouver sa puissance ;
C'est faire triompher de la mort, de l'oubli,
Toutes les passions dont l'âme a tressailli!
Et moi. je te réponds : La langue du poête
Ne rend du sentiment que l'image incomplète ;
Concevoir le désir, goûter la passion,
Nous fait dédaigner l'art et sa création ;
Formuler les pensers dont notre esprit s'enivre,
Ce n'est que simuler la vie : aimer, c'est vivre ; !
C'est incarner le rêve, et sentir les transports
Dont l'art ne peut donner que des emblèmes morts !
Des maîtres les plus grands les œuvres les plus belles,
Auprès du beau vivant, compare, que sont-elles?
Corrége et le Poussin, Titien et Raphaël,
Rubens, dont la palette est prise à l'arc-en-ciel,
Éblouissant nos yeux, ont groupé sur leurs toiles
Des visages divins et de beaux corps sans voiles !
Mais hier, quand soudain à nos regards charmés
Ces tableaux immortels se trouvaient animés,
Lorsqu'au lieu de la chair que la couleur imite,
Nous avons admiré cette chair qui palpite,
Où le sang, à travers l'épiderme soyeux,
Circule en répandant des reflets lumineux ;
Lorsque nous avons vu d'exquises créatures,
Dont les beaux torses nus, les bras aux lignes pures,
Le sein ferme et mouvant, le visage inspiré,
Faisaient vivre à nos yeux quelque groupe sacré,
Oh ! n'as-tu pas senti quelle impuissante envie
C'est de vouloir dans l'art inoculer la vie
Et ne t'es-tu pas dit, du réel t'enivrant :
La beauté seule est belle, et l'amour seul est grand !

First edition, one of 500 numbered copies on pure wove paper.

Bound in full sienna morocco, flat spine with a slight snag at head, date gilt at foot, moiré endpapers and pastedowns, single gilt fillet framing the pastedowns, original wrappers and spine preserved, gilt edges, chemise edged in sienna morocco, slipcase of wood-grained boards lined with white felt, contemporary binding signed by Roger Arnoult.

Our copy is enriched with a signed autograph letter, one page, by Jean Cocteau mounted on a tab, dated April 1959, probably addressed to Pierre Benoit: "Nôtre Pierre fantôme... c'est autour de votre souvenir qu'on se réunit. C'est une chaîne bien étonnante que celle de cette affreuse et délicieuse cabane. Pensez moi. Je pense à vous. Je vous aime et je me résigne à vous aimer en rêve."

A fine copy, handsomely bound by Roger Arnoult, a graduate of the École Estienne, active until 1980, who worked with and for the greatest binders of his time such as René Aussourd, Anthoine-Legrain, Paul Bonet, Georges Cretté, Pierre-Lucien Martin...

Autograph letter signed by Emile Zola addressed to Henry Fouquier, written in black ink on a bifolium. Usual folds from mailing.
This letter was transcribed in the complete correspondence of Emile Zola published by the CNRS and the Presses de l'Université de Montréal.

New edition bringing together, in addition to Cortés's own correspondence, a collection of documents relating to the conquest of Peru, including letters addressed to the conquistador by his principal lieutenants (cf. Palau 63 205. Leclerc 2575.)

A pupil of Silvestre de Sacy in Arabic, Pascual de Gayangos y Arce (1809-1897) was one of the foremost Spanish orientalists of the nineteenth century; his research was chiefly devoted to Muslim history.

Spine cracked with small losses, a tear at the upper left corner of the front cover, some foxing, tears and marginal losses to the rear cover.

Fine autograph letter signed by Colette to her friend Bolette Natanson. Two pages written in ink on blue paper. Horizontal folds inherent to the mailing of the letter.
As ever protective and maternal with her friend, Colette compliments her: "Comme tu es gentille, - comme tu es Bolette". Nineteen years her senior, she praises the youth of "[her] child": "Tu es ma 'provision d'hiver', la jeunesse dont j'aurai besoin, plus tard, bien plus encore qu'à présent. Soigne-toi bien ma jeunesse en grange".
Having grown up from early childhood in artistic circles—she was the daughter of Alexandre and the niece of Thadée Natanson, the founders of the celebrated Revue Blanche—Bolette Natanson (1892-1936) formed friendships with Jean Cocteau, Raymond Radiguet, Georges Auric, Jean Hugo, and Colette.
Passionate about dressmaking, she left Paris for the United States with Misia Sert, a close friend of Coco Chanel, and was employed at Goodman. With her husband Jean-Charles Moreux, they opened in 1929 the gallery Les Cadres on boulevard Saint-Honoré and moved in the company of numerous artists and intellectuals. Their success was immediate and they multiplied commissions: the fireplace for Winnaretta de Polignac, the decoration of the Château de Maulny, the arrangement of Baron de Rothschild’s townhouse, the creation of frames for the industrialist Bernard Reichenbach, and finally the design of the shopfront for Colette’s beauty institute in 1932. Bolette Natanson also framed the works of her distinguished painter friends: Bonnard, Braque, Picasso, Vuillard, Man Ray, André Dunoyer de Segonzac, and others. Despite this dazzling ascent, she took her own life in December 1936, a few months after the death of her father.

Long autograph letter by Stendhal, addressed to his sister Pauline, written in fine handwriting with black ink.
Address of Stendhal's father, where his sister resides, in Grenoble, with the stamp "n°51 Grande Armée." Red wax seal bearing Stendhal's coat of arms.
Several original folds, inherent to postal delivery. A paper loss due to the unsealing of the letter has been skillfully restored. Published in his Correspondance (ed. Henri Martineau), Paris, Le Divan, 1933, vol. 3, no. 262 A, pp. 26-29.
A very beautiful letter, filled with romantic passion, blending childhood nostalgia with sentimental tales, and foreshadowing The Red and the Black.

Autograph letter from George Sand to Gustave Flaubert dated December 21, 1867, 8 pages on two lined leaves. Published in Sand's Correspondance, XX, pp. 642-645.
From one of the finest literary correspondences of the century, this letter written on Christmas Eve 1867 is a sublime testament to the frank friendship between George Sand, the “old troubadour”, and Gustave Flaubert, christened “cul de plomb” [leaden ass] after declining his invitation to Nohant to complete L'Éducation sentimentale.

Despite their seventeen year-age gap, opposing temperaments and divergent outlooks on life, the reader is gripped by the tenderness and astonishing verve of George Sand's long confession to Flaubert. At the height of her literary fame and enjoying her theater in Nohant, Sand talks at length about politics, their separation, their conception of the writer's work, and life itself.

In this “stream-of-consciousness” letter, Sand naturally and freely sets down on paper eight pages of conversations with Flaubert who made only too rare and brief appearances in Nohant: “But how I chat with you! Do you find all this amusing? I'd like a letter to replace one of our suppers, which I too miss, and which would be so good here with you, if you weren't a cul de plomb [leaden ass] who won't let yourself be dragged along, to life for life's sake”, whereas Flaubert's motto, then busy writing L'Éducation sentimentale, was rather art for art's sake. In the end of 1867, Sand grieved the death of an “almost brother”, François Rollinat, which Sand appeased with letters to Flaubert and lively evenings at Nohant: “This is how I've been living for the last 15 days since I stopped working [...] Ah'! [...] Ah! when you're on vacation, work, logic and reason seem like strange swings.” Sand was quick to criticize him for working tirelessly in his robe, “the enemy of freedom”, while she was running up and down mountains and valleys, from Cannes to Normandy, even to Flaubert's own home, which she had visited in September. On this occasion, Sand had happily reread Salammbô, where she picked up a few lines for her latest novel, Mademoiselle Merquem.

Their literary and virile friendship, similar to Rollinat's, defied the old guard of literati who declared the existence of a “sincere affair” between man and woman utterly impossible. Sand, who has been described in turn as a lesbian, a nymphomaniac, and made famous for her resounding and varied love affairs, began a long and intense correspondence with Flaubert, for whom she was a mother and an old friend. She called herself in their letters “old troubadour” or “old horse” and no longer even considered herself a woman, but a quasi-man, recalling her youthful cross-dressing and formidable contempt for gender norms. To Flaubert had compared the female writers as Amazons denying their femininity: “To better shoot with the bow, they crushed their nipples”, Sand replied in this letter: “I don't share your idea that you have to do away with the breast to shoot with the bow. I have a completely opposite belief for my own use, which I think is good for many others, probably for the majority”. A warrior, yes, but a peaceful warrior, Sand willingly adopted the customs of a world of misogynistic intellectuals, while remaining true to herself: “I believe that the artist should live in one's nature as much as possible. To the man who loves struggle, war; to the man who loves women, love; to the old man who, like me, loves nature, travel and flowers, rocks, great landscapes, children too, family, everything that moves, everything that fights moral anemia,” she then adds. A fine evocation of her “green period”, this passage marks the time of Sand's country novels, when, mellowed by the years, she gave herself over entirely to contemplation to write François le Champi, La Mare au diable and La Petite Fadette. But her love of nature didn't stop her from conquering language over men, even though at 63 she was still “scandalizing the inscandalizable”, according to the Goncourt brothers.

Faithful to her socialist ideals, she openly criticizes Adolphe Thiers in the letter: “Étroniforme [shithead] is the sublime word that classifies this species of merdoïde [shitty] vegetation [...] Yes, you'll do well to dissect this balloon-like soul and this cobweb-like talent!” As the leader of the liberal opposition to Napoleon III, Thiers had just delivered a speech in defense of the Papal States, turning his back on Garibaldi, future father of unified Italy. Everyone in Sand's home of Nohant had had a good laugh at Flaubert's logorrhea, sent three days earlier: “Let us roar against Monsieur Thiers! Can one see a more triumphant imbecile, a more abject scoundrel, a more etroniform [shit-like] bourgeois!” he wrote. Sand echoed his sentiments: “Maurice [Sand] finds your letter so beautiful [...] He won't forget étroniforme, which charms him, étronoïde, étronifère”. Against this backdrop of intense political debates, Sand also warned Flaubert, who risked jeopardizing his novel by including his criticism of Thiers in L'Éducation sentimentale: “Unfortunately when your book arrives, [Thiers] may be over and not very dangerous, for such men leave nothing behind. But perhaps he will also be in power. You can expect anything. Then the lesson will be a good one.”

Their shared socialist and anti-clericalist opinions did not prevent them from holding widely divergent views on the essence of the novel and the work of the writer: “the artist is an instrument which everything must play before it plays others. But all this is perhaps not applicable to a mind of your kind, which has acquired a great deal and only has to digest". Flaubert's detachment, his open cynicism for his characters, like a Madame Bovary harshly judged by the narrator, differed sharply from Sand's emotional and personal relationship to writing. Flaubert's almost schizophrenic attitude readily confused her and made her fear for her sanity: “I would insist on only one point, and that is that physical being is necessary to moral being, and that I fear for you one day or another a deterioration of health that would force you to suspend your work and let it cool down.” Flaubert never betrays or reveals himself through his novels, unlike Sand, who throws herself body and soul into her writing: “I believe that art needs a palette always overflowing with soft or violent tones, depending on the subject of the painting”.

While Flaubert, hard-working and full of literary anxieties, was secluded in Croisset, Sand enjoyed her freedom at Nohant, a place of family bliss but also of egalitarian living, where she “[had] fun to the point of exhaustion”. She willingly swapped tête-à-tête sessions with the inkwell for her little theater in Nohant: “These plays last until 2 a.m. and we're crazy when we get out. We eat until 5 am. There are performances twice a week, and the rest of the time, we do stuff, and the play (which) goes on with the same characters, going through the most unheard-of adventures. The audience consists of 8 or 10 young people, my three grand-nephews and the sons of my old friends. They're passionate to the point of screaming”. Persevering, she once again urged her “leaden ass” Flaubert to come out of his voluntary confinement: “I'm sure you'd have a wonderful time too, for there's a splendid verve and carelessness in these improvisations, and the characters sculpted by Maurice seem to be alive, with a burlesque life, at once real and impossible; it's like a dream.” Two years later, Flaubert would make a sensational entrance at Nohant, and Sand would leave “aching” after days of partying. During his memorable stay at Sand's he read his Saint-Antoine aloud in its entirety and danced the cachucha dressed as a woman!

Exceptional pages of George Sand in spiritual communion with her illustrious colleague; Flaubert was one of the few to whom she spoke so freely, crudely, but tenderly, sealing in words her deep friendship with the “great artist [...] among the few who are men” (letter to Armand Barbès, 12 October 1867).

Our letter is housed in a half-black morocco folder, with marbled paper boards, facing pastedown in black lambskin felt, Plexiglas protecting the letter, black morocco-lined slipcase, marbled paper boards, signed P. Goy & C. Vilaine.

Autograph letter signed by Honoré de Balzac to Gustave Silbermann, dated 18 May [1846], with the blind stamp of the Hôtel des Trois Rois in Basel. A delicate document, with fold marks that have caused some tears with some minute lacks of paper, affecting a few letters, including the last two letters of the author's signature.
A fine epistolary testament to Balzac's unrestrained passion for art collecting, in this likely unpublished letter addressed to his friend, the Strasbourg bookseller and printer Gustave Silbermann. Balzac was planning a stay in Strasbourg, during which he became engaged to Madame Hanska.

Autograph letter by Pierre-Joseph-Marie Proudhon, signed and dated 7 November 1862. 3 pages in black ink on a bifolium. Fold of the bifolium weakened, without affecting the text. Not included in the correspondence published by Lacroix in 1875.
Significant and likely unpublished letter from Proudhon to his publisher Alphonse Lebègue, whom he considers "the cause of liberty in France and independence in Belgium" in these lines. 

Proudhon underscores the importance of his ideological struggle for federalism in Europe, following the controversial publication of his pamphlet La Fédération et l’unité en Italie, and a few months before his political testament Du Principe fédératif. He fiercely criticizes his famous adversary Adolphe Thiers’ Histoire du Consulat et de l’Empire. Since his years in Brussels, Proudhon had intended to write a book debunking the Napoleonic myth as promoted in Thiers' work.

Fierce autograph letter signed, addressed to Jacques Chardonne—though not named—comprising 30 lines in black ink on letterhead of the journal Le Nouveau Fémina, concerning cultural life and current political affairs.

Folding marks inherent to mailing, a black ink stain not affecting the text, and two small holes: the first causing the loss of one letter—the second "e" in Hecquet; the second resulting in the loss of the word "il".

"Les dernières lettres sont épatantes. Et courtes, comme il fallait pour ne pas trop s'éloigner du drame. Les oeuvres complètes de Léon Blum vont paraître chez Albin Michel. On va voir. Anatole de Monzie, homme d'une très belle intelligence n'a rien écrit de fameux. Aujourd'hui, le moins ignare s'appelle Ramadier (Paul Ramadier, several times a minister after the Liberation) Il n'a pas été réélu. C'est un franc-maçon acharné. Mendès-France est un marchand de cravates me dit Stephen Hecqu[e]t. [Il] faut supprimer son nom de ma dernière lettre (celle qui est si longue, où je parle des hommes politiques susceptibles d'écrire). A bientôt. Roger Nimier."

Fine autograph letter, dated and signed, addressed to his friend Pierre Louÿs; 7 pages in violet ink on two bifolia, with the original envelope preserved.

Folds from original mailing.

Soon to be on leave from the Moroccan Expeditionary Corps, Claude Farrère announces to his friend his imminent return to France following an Andalusian journey: "je pendrai au plus tardle train du 4 juin, à Algéciras ; lequel train, après escales à Grenade, Cordoue, Séville et Tolède, me déposera, le 11 au matin, à Toulon - Voilà !"

He mentions a book that struck him and evokes two women: "feuilletez, vous comprendrez l'in térêt que j'attache au cas, intérêt tout à fait analogue à celui que vous inspire une jeune personne à ui je vais dédier mon prochain conte au journal intitulé : 'sur le Boul' Mad'... La préface du bouquin en question est un chef d'oeuvre d' (je ne sais pas de quoi ! Fichtre ! On va bien, de nos jours... [...] voyez-vous qu'on publiât des histoires comme ça sur notre... dos- quatre ans après notre mort ???"

Claude Farrère ironically comments on his literary and epistolary activity shared with his friend: "J'aurais tellement besoin de regarder vos Hok'saï avant d'écrire certaines pages de mon sale bouquin ! ... Mon Maroc n'est pas du temps perdu. Je l'ai considéré comme dix mois de travail forcé. Et je vous en rapporte un manuscrit qui en est aujourd'hui à sa 392e pages, - qui toutes ensemble ne valent pas une ligne de Psyché !"

His rebellious and independent spirit draws suspicion from the military establishment: "Votre lettre datée du 8 mai, ne m'est arrivée qu'hier 18. J'ai lieu de croire que ma correspondance est très surveillée depuis quelque temps."

Autograph letter signed by Emile Zola addressed to Octave Mirbeau, dated in his hand March 4, 1901. Two pages in black ink on a bifolium.
Horizontal fold mark inherent to postal delivery.
Published in his Correspondence, vol. X, p. 242.
Precious letter from Zola to his great supporter Octave Mirbeau, who had paid his fine at the end of his second trial for "J'accuse!".
Now amnestied, the writer attempts - in vain - to recover the sum to reimburse him.
After his historic cry from the heart in l'Aurore, Zola was first condemned by the Seine jury on February 23, 1898 to one year in prison and a three thousand franc fine. The judgment was overturned on appeal, and the case was referred to the Versailles assizes, which retained only three lines out of the eight hundred that make up "J'accuse!" as grounds for accusation. To avoid accepting such a stifling of the debates, Zola's defense decided to default, and the conviction was confirmed on July 18 - Zola left that very evening for London to avoid prison. The tribunal also demanded 7,555 francs from him, which Mirbeau spontaneously decided to pay from his own funds. It was also Octave Mirbeau who prevented the seizure of Zola's furniture, by obtaining from Joseph Reinach the 40,000 francs in damages that Zola had been condemned to pay to the three pseudo-experts in handwriting that he had "defamed" in J'accuse!...
Following the amnesty law that ended judicial proceedings for "all criminal or delictual acts connected to the Dreyfus affair," Zola was acquitted but was not reimbursed. This letter attests to the writer's desire to compensate Mirbeau for his act of generosity: "Labori [his lawyer] will attempt an approach to try to recover the seven thousand and some francs that you paid on my behalf, for the Versailles affair. He simply wishes to have a letter from you, in order to show it and thus be authorized to speak in your name. You certainly do not have down there the receipt that was issued to you. Perhaps you remember its terms. In any case, if we must wait, we will wait, for nothing is urgent after all. The important thing today is only to test the ground, to see if they will return the money to us". However, the prosecutor's office refused his request. Furious, Zola wrote two days later a letter to Labori asking him to give up claiming the slightest cent - he published it in L'Aurore under the title "Let them keep the money": "they torture the text of the law and the State too keeps the money. If the prosecutor's office persists in this interpretation, it will be yet another monstrosity, in the unworthy way they have refused me all justice [...] I do not want to be complicit by accepting anything whatsoever from their amnesty [...]". According to Pierre Michel, these unsuccessful recovery attempts, of which this letter bears witness, "incited Zola to adopt an attitude that emphasizes even more his disinterestedness and that of his 'friend,' who is not named [in the L'Aurore article], probably at Mirbeau's request."
Dreyfus's pardon and the amnesty of his supporters did not satisfy the writer, but nevertheless marked the end of long years of struggle: "I have finished my crushing task, and I am going to rest a little because I am exhausted". Struck down in full glory the following year, he would not be able to witness Captain Dreyfus's rehabilitation.
Beautiful lines from Zola to Mirbeau who gave him the means to continue his fight for justice.

Autograph note by François René de Chateaubriand, 12 lines in black ink on a bifolium, addressed to Madame Amédée de Duras, rejoicing in her improved health.
A tear with loss, due to the seal having been broken to facilitate reading the note.
"Mde de CH[ateaubriand]. me dit de vous répondre: si je meurs, madame, ce sera à vos pieds le matin. Non pas à midi, mais à trois heures et demie. Je me porte à merveille chez ma soeur. Que cela ne soit pas vous, mais mde de Lévis qui m'ait vu perdre ma longue barbe er mon mouchoir turc. Ne venez pas, vous ne devriez pas venir. Mde de Ch[ateaubriand] est inconsolable... "