Anvers (Belgique)

New Plantin press editions in portable format of these three works. Ruled throughout in red ink.

Copy with the arms of Nicolas de Villars, clerical councillor at the Parlement of Paris and treasurer of the Sainte-Chapelle, later bishop of Agen.

Contemporary full soft brown morocco, a fanfare binding with the rare Duodo-type decoration: smooth spine gilt with six medallions each containing a flower, gilt foliage border, covers fully gilt with 24 medallions, some emblematic (sun, heart, acorn, bouquet, sheaf of wheat), arms stamped in the centre, edges gilt. Discreet restorations to joints, corners, and headcaps; upper and lower borders with minor wear to leather (0.5 cm); lacking ties; pinhole at head of spine. From the first title-leaf, a wormhole in the lower margin extending through to the final leaves of the Fables of Aesop, gradually diminishing.

A magnificent copy of the utmost rarity.

The singular decoration of this style of binding, representing one of the pinnacles of the art of French bookbinding, is today identified as Duodo, after Pierre Duodo, Venetian ambassador to Paris from 1594 to 1597. About 150 small volumes were uniformly bound for a portable library (only part now known), probably towards the end of his stay. It is unlikely he ever enjoyed these treasures, which fell into oblivion for nearly two centuries. When they reappeared on the English market at the end of the eighteenth century, they were mistakenly attributed to Marguerite de Valois, an error that persisted until the 1920s.

Although the name Duodo remains attached to this style of decoration, another great collector commissioned similar bindings: Nicolas de Villars, bishop of Agen. Duodo’s bindings are now well identified, while those of Nicolas de Villars are considerably rarer on the market.

While the spine here is very close to the Duodo examples, with flowers and foliage borders (though in a finer and denser design), the covers show 24 medallions, compared to only 14 on Duodo bindings, and the tools employed are not limited to floral motifs but include a variety of emblems such as the sun and the heart.

The first edition was published in 1578 in Geneva. Brunet II, 1076: 'Cet ouvrage piquant a été édité à Genève, en 1578, et non à Paris ; selon plusieurs bibliographes. L'auteur y a prodigué son immense érudition, mais en même temps s'y est permis certaines plaisanteries un peu hardies, qui lui attirèrent une verte semonse du conseil de Genève, par suite de laquelle il jugea prudent de s'absenter... Il en existe deux autres d'Anvers, 1579 et 1583, in 16, qui ne sont guère moins rares que la première, et dont le prix est assez élevé.' ["This piquant work was published in Geneva, in 1578, and not in Paris; according to several bibliographers. The author lavished his immense erudition upon it, but at the same time permitted himself certain rather bold jokes, which brought him a sharp rebuke from the Geneva council, as a result of which he judged it prudent to absent himself... There exist two others from Antwerp, 1579 and 1583, in 16mo, which are hardly less rare than the first, and whose price is quite high."]
Full calf binding mid-19th century. Ornate spine with raised bands, in the style of a 17th-century binding. Rubbing. Missing the lower right corner of leaf 97 with loss of a few letters from the last word.
Satirical dialogues, mocking court behaviors, fashion in dress and language (the fashion of pronouncing French words in the Italian manner for example, or linguistic conventions about titles). Henri Estienne conceals himself under the name of Jean Franchet. The drollery and mockery are often pushed quite far, and the whole reads with the greatest delight. The two dialogues are preceded by poems addressed to courtiers no less droll and satirical.

Second edition in Latin under the title Epitome, with 109 maps: 1 map of the world, 4 maps of the continents, 7 of Asia, 4 of Africa, and 93 of Europe.
Each map has, facing it, a text on the history, topographical features and anecdotes related to the region represented. Alphabetical table of maps at end. This edition also has a preface from the engraver and the holder of the Privilege, Philippe Galle (1537-1612), followed by an allegorical engraving showing Prudence, Truth and the Omnipotence of God, as well as a Discourse on the Sea by Ortelius.
Contemporary limp vellum, ties lacking. Ink title to lower edge.
Ink ex-libris to title and first text leaf. Note in ink concerning Calvin, Theodore Beza and Ulrich Zwingli to back of final leaf and one final endpaper.
A very fresh copy.
Tiny spot to lower margin of map 14. Tiny wormhole to leaves 10 and 11, not touching maps. A cut, not serious and without lack, to right-hand gutter of map 94.
An illuminator, book- and map-seller, Abraham Ortelius (1527-1598) had a very good idea what collectors wanted and decided to embark on a career as a cartographer. He was deeply influenced by his 1554 meeting with Gerard Mercator (1512-1594), with whom he became so close that the latter, also working on his famous atlas, pushed back its publication date in order not to hurt his friend, whose work he held in high esteem. It was thus on the 20 May 1570 that the first, Latin, version of the work appeared, printed at the expense of the author by Gilles Coppens in Antwerp.
The atlas was not cheap, costing 30 florins at the time it appeared. Max Rooses (1839-1914), the keeper of the Plantin-Moretus museum, tells us that the Ortelius atlas was the most expensive book in the 16 th century. Nonetheless, this collection, having taken several years of rigorous and intense work, was immediately very successful and became a cartographic reference almost ten years before the appearance of Mercator’s atlas.
Maps at the time circulated either in isolation or collected in a somewhat random and unnatural way. Ortelius was thus the first to offer a coherent set of maps uniform in format, scale, and appearance, or in other words scientifically reliable, thus giving birth to the modern encyclopedic atlas. The deliberately reduced size of the work made it easy and convenient to handle and it was useful both to scientists and laymean.
“The collection was intended to satisfy two principal types of readers: the cultivated amateur and the professional, aware of the practical utility of the map. The layout was managed economically in order to respond to the pragmatism of the second, while the tastes of the first were catered to by choice typography, the symbolic language of the emblems and the scholarly notes on the history of places and peoples. The Theatrum orbis terrarum was thus a rigorously put-together book which offered all its readers the best positive way of seeing the known world represented.” (Erika Giuliani, 5 – Mettre en collection des “vues de villes” à la fin de la Renaissance: les Civitates orbis terrarum (1572-1617), in Isabelle Pantin et al., Mise en forme des savoirs à la Renaissance, Armand Colin “Recherches”, 2013, pp. 103-126).
Giuliani also highlights that this enterprise proved successful because it brought together the best artisans of the age: “The fact that he was not only an illuminator and map-dealer, but also a collector, friend to Mercator and a member of Plantin’s circles allowed him to choose the best examples to make what would become a model for other publishers and an unsurpassed reference work. Ortelius recommended that scholars have the Theatrum in their libraries and consult it when reading the Bible or the history books.” (op. cit.)
The fact that Ortelius called upon the talents of Plantin as publisher to produce the French version of his work is not surprising. The latter was one of the defining figures of the Renaissance boom in illustrated scientific books. Geographers were rediscovering the work of Ptolemy (90-168) at that time, putting cartography no longer at the service of science, but of discovery (the search for, and creation of new maritime routes, the perfection of ships, and so on). This was a total re-evaluation of the medieval view of the world, based on more precise astronomical and terrestrial measurements.
Ortelius’ atlas found its rightful place in this re-nascent topographical movement, while at the same time respecting Ptolemy’s rigorous and immutable geographic order: England, Spain, France, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Greece, Central and Eastern Europe to Russia, Asia, and Africa. It was not until 1507 with the work of Martin Waldseemüller (1470-1520) that the map of America saw the light of day; he was notably the first to provide a complete representation of the Atlantic Ocean and also to expand Ptolemy’s work considerably. Waldseemüller’s version was nonetheless only partial and restricted itself to the South-West coast of the continent. Far more detailed and extensive, Ortelius’ map drew on the one published by Diego Gutiérrez in 1562, but offering a much greater view, especially of North America. On Ortelius’ map we can see, among others, New France, discovered in 1523 by Giovanni da Verrazzano (1485-1528) who was tasked by François I with exploring the area between Florida and Newfoundland in order to find a way through to the Pacific.
Ortelius’ scale is correct for some areas and too great for others (Tierra del Fuego, New Guinea, and Mexico, as well as Australia and Antarctica, which are shown all together and labeled terra australis nondum cognita) that had, nonetheless been reached since the 1520s. As far as North America is concerned, it is represented more or less as we know it today. The toponymy was hardly Christianized yet, with a number of Amerindian appellations appearing (Culia, Tiguex and Tecoantepec, among others).
The cartographer was also the first to show Lower California as a peninsula, with the North-Western coast of America being nothing more than a sketch beyond California.
One can also see that the map’s legends focus on the rivers and littorals, showing the lack of knowledge of inland areas, which yet remained to be explored. It is equally interesting to note the presence of some quite surprising legends, especially in Patagonia: “Patagonum regio ubi incole sunt gigantes” (or, the region of Patagonia where the inhabitants are giants).
Other labels of the same sort explain the circumstances of the discovery of certain areas, the names of famous explorers, and so on. In the extreme North of America, the author notes “Ulterius septentrionem versus hec regiones incognite adhuc sunt”, or “The more northerly regions are still unknown.” This note may leave us with the impression that Ortelius was careful and prudent in not showing on his maps anything but areas that had already been explored. Nonetheless, one can also see the presence of the cities of Quivira and Cibola, two of the mythical Cities of Gold located in California, following the account of the explorer Francisco Vásquez de Coronado (1510-1554), who set off to find them in 1541.
Ortelius’ work, an emblematic work of the Renaissance, nonetheless bears the marks of the popular traditions of the Middle Ages. It mixes the scientific rigor of its cartographic outlines with legends and descriptions drawn from accounts of voyages, sometimes melded with fantasy.