Unpublished autograph letter signed by the Marquis de La Fayette to the Marquis Victor de La Tour-Maubourg, written from “Metz” and dated “the 4th” in Lafayette’s hand. Two and a quarter pages in ink on a bifolium. A minor perforation, not affecting the text; with a red “V. JACOB Metz” stamp on the blank verso of the bifolium. Two discreet paper reinforcements at the foot and head of the sheet’s fold.

La Fayette wrote this profoundly political letter in 1792 from Metz — the very city where, as a young officer, he had made the decision to set sail and fight for American independence. “I have been a revolutionary for fifteen years — and I am resolved to conquer or perish in this cause” he writes here, at a moment when the constitutional monarchy was in grave peril.

Commanding an army while facing the threat of further mass desertion among the French nobility and under heavy assault from the Jacobins, La Fayette cast himself as the Revolution’s providential figure. He vehemently lamented the “unacceptable loss” of the Duke of Brunswick, who had departed to lead the Prussian and Austrian armies against France.

Lafayette is most likely addressing Marie-Charles-César de La Tour Maubourg, whom he called “my intimate friend, my brother in friendship, in arms, and in revolution” (letter to Dietrich, 12 November 1791). Maubourg served under Lafayette with his brothers at the declaration of war and commanded the vanguard of the Army of the Center in 1792, before emigrating with him in August.

In December 1791, shortly after arriving at his Metz headquarters, Lafayette imposed a strict disciplinary order on the Army of the Centre. The situation was dire, owing to the emigration of most officers, the ill will of those who remained, and the consequent breakdown in oversight. Though devoted to the welfare of his troops, Lafayette, a staunch constitutionalist, remained engaged in politics: he had sent to Minister Dumouriez a memorandum in which he pledged his support to the Girondin ministry, on condition that it uphold the laws, the dignity of the monarchy, the constituted authorities, and religious freedom.

It is likely that Lafayette wrote these lines only a few weeks before the declaration of war, of which he was informed on 22 April. He appears here as a man deeply mindful of his military duties, and as a protector of the Constitution in grave peril. In a magnificent burst of fervour and resolve, he makes no secret of his popularity nor of his feats of arms:

“I have powerful connections in Holland; the democratic party is wholly mine. I also have influence in Liège; I am well known throughout the Low Countries and on this side of the Rhine. The National Guards all regard me as their leader; I have full confidence in an army which I shall command in person. After all, I do possess some natural talents — particularly for war. I have the vigour of youth, an unshakable constitution, a cool head, and a ease for labour. I have been a revolutionary for fifteen years — and I am resolved to conquer or perish in this cause.”

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In America, he had indeed displayed keen insight and sound judgment in the military affairs of the Independence, particularly during the Virginia campaign. It is known that he drew lessons from these battles by creating infantryman units to cover the main infantry — and indeed he informed George Washington of these preparations. He took care to organise light cavalry artillery units, following the Prussian and Austrian model, and specifically referred in his letter to an “observation on the horses of the horse artillery” included in the reports he had forwarded to La Tour-Maubourg. Among them is a report from a “young intelligent man who seemed to me worthy of being sent, although I believe he overstates the disposition of the enemy troops, especially the Hungarians”.

The lieutenant general displays a grim lucidity regarding France’s political and military situation, torn apart by internal strife and imperilled by foreign powers:

“Farewell, my dear Maubourg — a terrible storm is brewing, and many betrayals may be afoot. Our foremost duty must be to secure for me a strong and active army. So Narbonne and I will pull down our hats and, putting on a brave face, we shall carry the Revolution forward as best we can. [...] These are, after all, a few small consolations for the loss of the Duke of Brunswick, who seems to me more inadmissible with each passing moment — and who, sooner or later, would bring down even the man who proposed him, whether by betrayal or by public mistrust. Farewell, my friend — let us hasten, time is short.”

Bolstered by his American experience and despite mounting Jacobin clamour, Lafayette readies himself to uphold the principles of the French Constitution — a commitment he confides to one of his closest comrades, who would accompany him into Austrian captivity only months later.

[“I have powerful connections in Holland; the democratic party is wholly mine. I also have influence in Liège; I am well known throughout the Low Countries and on this side of the Rhine. The National Guards all regard me as their leader; I have full confidence in an army which I shall command in person. After all, I do possess some natural talents -particularly for war. I have the vigour of youth, an unshakable constitution, a cool head, and a ease for labour. I have been a revolutionary for fifteen years - and I am resolved to conquer or perish in this cause.”]

In America, he had indeed displayed keen insight and sound judgment in the military affairs of the Independence, particularly during the Virginia campaign. It is known that he drew lessons from these battles by creating infantryman units to cover the main infantry - and indeed he informed George Washington of these preparations. He took care to organise light cavalry artillery units, following the Prussian and Austrian model, and specifically referred in his letter to an “observation on the horses of the horse artillery” included in the reports he had forwarded to La Tour-Maubourg. Among them is a report from a “young intelligent man who seemed to me worthy of being sent, although I believe he overstates the disposition of the enemy troops, especially the Hungarians [...]”.

The lieutenant general displays a grim lucidity regarding France’s political and military situation, torn apart by internal strife and imperilled by foreign powers:

« Adieu, mon cher Maubourg, il se forme un orage terrible, il se machine peut-être beaucoup de trahisons ; notre premier soin doit être de me donner une bonne armée agissante. Alors Narbonne et moi enfoncerons notre chapeau, et jouant beau jeu, nous révolutionnerons le mieux que nous pourrons devant nous. ; [...] voilà pourtant quelques motifs de consolation pour la perte du duc de Brunswick qui me paroit à chaque instant plus inadmissible, et qui tôt ou tard perdroit celui même qui l'aurait proposé, soit par ses trahisons, soit par la méfiance publique. Adieu, mon ami, depêchons nous, le tems presse. »

["Farewell, my dear Maubourg -  a terrible storm is brewing, and many betrayals may be afoot. Our foremost duty must be to secure for me a strong and active army. So Narbonne and I will pull down our hats and, putting on a brave face, we shall carry the Revolution forward as best we can. [...] These are, after all, a few small consolations for the loss of the Duke of Brunswick, who seems to me more inadmissible with each passing moment - and who, sooner or later, would bring down even the man who proposed him, whether by betrayal or by public mistrust. Farewell, my friend - let us hasten, time is short."]

Bolstered by his American experience and despite mounting Jacobin clamour, Lafayette readies himself to uphold the principles of the French Constitution - a commitment he confides to one of his closest comrades, who would accompany him into Austrian captivity only months later.